Ever since France and Spain's timely and effective intervention during the War of Independence (1776 -1783) the United States future has been intrinsically linked to Europe's. Initially, the Old World led and largely dominated this relationship as international affairs were predominately Eurocentric. But after the United States real revolution - the US Civil War(1861-65) - the economic balance of power began to swing towards the New World and by the late 1890's Uncle Sam had become the biggest commercial power in the World. Subsequently, the crucial and decisive intervention by American troops on the battlefields of Northern Europe in 1917 signalled that their economic power had now been extended to their military prowess. By 1945 and the end of another global conflagration this economic and military pre-eminence had also reached into the political. In other words, the United States had become the completest pre-eminent nation the World had ever known, while Europe had been relegated to being a group of nations that now acted within a post imperial prism supported by Marshal Plan money.
Subsequently, for all the French claims concerning the creation of a new unified Europe it was Washington who behind the scenes drove the critical rapprochement between Bonn and Paris. The establishment of this historic relationship laid down the stabilising conditions vital for the subsequent Treaty of Rome(1957) and the slow evolution of what is known today as the European Union. But since 1945 the management and maintenance of Western European security has largely been in the hands of NATO and therefore, Washington. The 'obviousness' of this situation remained throughout the Cold War as the US used its money and men to protect Europe from the apparent wander lust of Soviet Russia. But do not be under any allusion ever since Alfred Mahan's seminal book on Sea Power(1890) the US understood that the most effective way of defending its own nation's borders was to defend them on someone's else's real estate. Germany might have become the bulwark against Russian advancement into Western Europe but it had also become the first line of defence for the American homeland. Hence, the subsequent creation of NATO had become a structural as well as a military extension of American power.
After the Berlin Wall was dismantled(1989) and the Soviet Union imploded the role and purpose of NATO suddenly became contested. Yet, by the now the institution had built its own form of protection; its reason for being - whatever that was - and for all their critical and sometimes threatening rhetoric Washington did not want to lose their key foothold in Europe since NATO had not just become a military entity but by now a highly political one. Its very existence reinforced the idea that Western ideals underpinned by American reasoning was the only game in town and therefore, any other form of political/security relationship was and is just poppycock. But that reasoning alone was not seen as strong enough now that 'obviousness' of NATO that the Cold War had guaranteed was no longer in play. Therefore, NATO, went in search of a new 'unchallengeable' role. So, although NATO is not linked directly to the European Union it started to expand its operations and reach as its Brussels neighbour expanded its. This development was again being driven by Washington and tacitly agreed by Brussels. Since it looked to put pressure on the Russians due to Putin's more assertive style that was being witnessed via his increased Middle Eastern interventions.
Moreover, along side this development NATO strengthened its raison d'etre by starting to operate outside of the understood 'European Defence Area' - Afghanistan. Who agreed to this role change? Was this development ever discussed publicly? Not really, since this deployment of NATO troops was done under the US constructed umbrella of the UN. But do not be confused by these 'smoke and mirrors' the desire to go to Afghanistan was so that NATO continued to hold its institutional and structural place in Europe and was therefore, non 'replaceable'. Hence, almost imperceptibly NATO became not just a defender of Western Europe it was now effectively an extension of US/EU foreign policy that was publicly but superficially managed in Brussels but still clearly led by the paymaster - Washington. The strength and the considerable weakness of this situation from a European perspective has been unfolding recently with disastrous consequences. Yes, the Americans continue to pick up 70% of the cost of NATO but as an increasingly disjointed and ineffective US foreign policy in the Middle East took hold it drove millions of refugees across European borders and brought with it the facility and ability of terrorists to do their worst as witnessed in Paris and Brussels. Moreover, the parallel extension of NATO and the EU has understandably made Moscow nervous as it now sees this military organisation not just as a defensive force but an offensive one with 'expansionist tenancies'. These changes and somewhat confusing perspectives have generated increased tensions as highlighted in the Ukraine recently as Putin looked to develop his own 'fire break' between an an expanding EU/NATO and Russia.
Trump's impending arrival into the White House has undoubtedly placed the spotlight firmly on the changing and fractured nature of US society that includes as one of its remedies a more protectionist agenda. (Remember that Brexit was just that, a call for more protection ). Hence many are now wondering how these populist reflections will effect the up and coming Italian referendum, and the crucial French and German elections. So is it time for Europe to take charge of its own security? Is it time for the EU to have a recognised and legitimate independent foreign policy? Since it seems that the confusion and confluence of European security and American foreign policy that has developed post Cold War has helped create a condition that might ultimately lead to the dismantling of the EU. Although this scenario seems a little far fetched, what would we have said if someone had pronounced a year ago that the UK would leave Europe and Trump would become 'leader of the free World! Is is so unreasonable that Le Pen will not win the French Presidency after the calamity that has been Hollande? Is the right wing in Germany that far from mounting a authentic challenge to Merkel thanks largely to the increasing strain due to the influx of refugees?
We are entering or have entered a new norm in International Relations because the space between Equity and Liberty has grown too far apart and large sections of society in the US and Europe have had enough. In other words, our post Cold War understanding of freedom has not become redefined and determined by democracy but by a 'no holds barred' brand of neo liberal economics that was initiated in the US and supported with gusto in the UK. This narrowly defined 'its the economy stupid' approach to all social matters (globalisation) is just too unfair, too indiscriminate and too unjust. It has effectively destabilised mature as well as developing democracies and brought the long standing and historic relationship between Europe and the US into question.
It is clear that next moves that both the EU and the US make should be made very carefully and with great consideration since if a more protectionist and insulationist approach prevails then the notions of collective responsibility for economic as well as physical and ecological security between nation-states will become scarce indeed. However, the audiences that are pushing for change will not just be quietened by sober and reasoned thought since their selected representatives are individuals specifically chosen to make decisions and get 'things done' that are not just for established interests. We can only hope that these representatives make the right calls for both Europe and the United States future!
KK
Subsequently, for all the French claims concerning the creation of a new unified Europe it was Washington who behind the scenes drove the critical rapprochement between Bonn and Paris. The establishment of this historic relationship laid down the stabilising conditions vital for the subsequent Treaty of Rome(1957) and the slow evolution of what is known today as the European Union. But since 1945 the management and maintenance of Western European security has largely been in the hands of NATO and therefore, Washington. The 'obviousness' of this situation remained throughout the Cold War as the US used its money and men to protect Europe from the apparent wander lust of Soviet Russia. But do not be under any allusion ever since Alfred Mahan's seminal book on Sea Power(1890) the US understood that the most effective way of defending its own nation's borders was to defend them on someone's else's real estate. Germany might have become the bulwark against Russian advancement into Western Europe but it had also become the first line of defence for the American homeland. Hence, the subsequent creation of NATO had become a structural as well as a military extension of American power.
After the Berlin Wall was dismantled(1989) and the Soviet Union imploded the role and purpose of NATO suddenly became contested. Yet, by the now the institution had built its own form of protection; its reason for being - whatever that was - and for all their critical and sometimes threatening rhetoric Washington did not want to lose their key foothold in Europe since NATO had not just become a military entity but by now a highly political one. Its very existence reinforced the idea that Western ideals underpinned by American reasoning was the only game in town and therefore, any other form of political/security relationship was and is just poppycock. But that reasoning alone was not seen as strong enough now that 'obviousness' of NATO that the Cold War had guaranteed was no longer in play. Therefore, NATO, went in search of a new 'unchallengeable' role. So, although NATO is not linked directly to the European Union it started to expand its operations and reach as its Brussels neighbour expanded its. This development was again being driven by Washington and tacitly agreed by Brussels. Since it looked to put pressure on the Russians due to Putin's more assertive style that was being witnessed via his increased Middle Eastern interventions.
Moreover, along side this development NATO strengthened its raison d'etre by starting to operate outside of the understood 'European Defence Area' - Afghanistan. Who agreed to this role change? Was this development ever discussed publicly? Not really, since this deployment of NATO troops was done under the US constructed umbrella of the UN. But do not be confused by these 'smoke and mirrors' the desire to go to Afghanistan was so that NATO continued to hold its institutional and structural place in Europe and was therefore, non 'replaceable'. Hence, almost imperceptibly NATO became not just a defender of Western Europe it was now effectively an extension of US/EU foreign policy that was publicly but superficially managed in Brussels but still clearly led by the paymaster - Washington. The strength and the considerable weakness of this situation from a European perspective has been unfolding recently with disastrous consequences. Yes, the Americans continue to pick up 70% of the cost of NATO but as an increasingly disjointed and ineffective US foreign policy in the Middle East took hold it drove millions of refugees across European borders and brought with it the facility and ability of terrorists to do their worst as witnessed in Paris and Brussels. Moreover, the parallel extension of NATO and the EU has understandably made Moscow nervous as it now sees this military organisation not just as a defensive force but an offensive one with 'expansionist tenancies'. These changes and somewhat confusing perspectives have generated increased tensions as highlighted in the Ukraine recently as Putin looked to develop his own 'fire break' between an an expanding EU/NATO and Russia.
Trump's impending arrival into the White House has undoubtedly placed the spotlight firmly on the changing and fractured nature of US society that includes as one of its remedies a more protectionist agenda. (Remember that Brexit was just that, a call for more protection ). Hence many are now wondering how these populist reflections will effect the up and coming Italian referendum, and the crucial French and German elections. So is it time for Europe to take charge of its own security? Is it time for the EU to have a recognised and legitimate independent foreign policy? Since it seems that the confusion and confluence of European security and American foreign policy that has developed post Cold War has helped create a condition that might ultimately lead to the dismantling of the EU. Although this scenario seems a little far fetched, what would we have said if someone had pronounced a year ago that the UK would leave Europe and Trump would become 'leader of the free World! Is is so unreasonable that Le Pen will not win the French Presidency after the calamity that has been Hollande? Is the right wing in Germany that far from mounting a authentic challenge to Merkel thanks largely to the increasing strain due to the influx of refugees?
We are entering or have entered a new norm in International Relations because the space between Equity and Liberty has grown too far apart and large sections of society in the US and Europe have had enough. In other words, our post Cold War understanding of freedom has not become redefined and determined by democracy but by a 'no holds barred' brand of neo liberal economics that was initiated in the US and supported with gusto in the UK. This narrowly defined 'its the economy stupid' approach to all social matters (globalisation) is just too unfair, too indiscriminate and too unjust. It has effectively destabilised mature as well as developing democracies and brought the long standing and historic relationship between Europe and the US into question.
It is clear that next moves that both the EU and the US make should be made very carefully and with great consideration since if a more protectionist and insulationist approach prevails then the notions of collective responsibility for economic as well as physical and ecological security between nation-states will become scarce indeed. However, the audiences that are pushing for change will not just be quietened by sober and reasoned thought since their selected representatives are individuals specifically chosen to make decisions and get 'things done' that are not just for established interests. We can only hope that these representatives make the right calls for both Europe and the United States future!
KK